martinvisalaw
12-08 04:41 PM
No, having an approved H-1B petition should not affect the company's ability to extend your L-1.
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waitin_toolong
10-26 12:50 PM
you do not have to apply for COS, if she wants she can get h4 stamped when she travels, but is moot anyways as she plans to use EAD anyways nullyfying her H4.
nomi
12-28 03:58 PM
Hi , My wife is on h4 visa and I want to file H1B for her and she has It experience of 3 years .Please guide whats the procedure .
It should be same the way you get your H1 visa.
It should be same the way you get your H1 visa.
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augustus
06-25 03:08 PM
Dear All,
Can someone tell me how long it takes to get 485 filing receipt? Who gets it ,you or the lawyer? What information should a responsible lawyer pass to you after 485 is filed?
Please let me know. It would be good information for everyone.
Can someone tell me how long it takes to get 485 filing receipt? Who gets it ,you or the lawyer? What information should a responsible lawyer pass to you after 485 is filed?
Please let me know. It would be good information for everyone.
more...
nmedhora
04-10 12:48 PM
I left the U.S on October 30 2009. My L.C. [Perm] had been filed on July 30 2009 and was recently approved.
My 6 year H1B expired on Feb 2 2010, with approximately 160 days available for recapture.
My company needs me to return to the US urgently and is wanting me to apply for a Business Visa.
Subsequently when I am in the U.S, they intend to file for I140 and then 7th year H1B extension plus recapture
time based on pending I140
Is this feasible? -- What impact would it have on my green card application process?
My 6 year H1B expired on Feb 2 2010, with approximately 160 days available for recapture.
My company needs me to return to the US urgently and is wanting me to apply for a Business Visa.
Subsequently when I am in the U.S, they intend to file for I140 and then 7th year H1B extension plus recapture
time based on pending I140
Is this feasible? -- What impact would it have on my green card application process?
aroranuj
10-26 04:14 PM
Hello,
My original I-140 in the EB3 skilled category was denied by the TSC & is pending @ AAO because the attorney's cover letter asked for the application to considered in the professional category, instead of the skilled category.
I have been told that while that I-140 is pending at AAO I can file a new I-140 under the "Other" category &they will adjudicate that case on the same Lobor Certification. Is that accurate for the TSC?
We will also file another EB3 Skilled category I-140 which obviously will be kept in abeyance till the AAO rules on my original application.
Can an attorney please advise if I can have 2 I -140's on the same Labor Certification for different categories?
Thanks.
My original I-140 in the EB3 skilled category was denied by the TSC & is pending @ AAO because the attorney's cover letter asked for the application to considered in the professional category, instead of the skilled category.
I have been told that while that I-140 is pending at AAO I can file a new I-140 under the "Other" category &they will adjudicate that case on the same Lobor Certification. Is that accurate for the TSC?
We will also file another EB3 Skilled category I-140 which obviously will be kept in abeyance till the AAO rules on my original application.
Can an attorney please advise if I can have 2 I -140's on the same Labor Certification for different categories?
Thanks.
more...
sertasheep
06-15 09:08 PM
The Z visa is just a proposal. It doesn't yet exist as the Bill hasn't been yet written into law by the President.
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ragz4u
01-24 09:52 AM
We are organizing a tele conference call tonite at 9.00 PM EST for all volunteers from the state of PA and NJ. Please email Black_logs @ yahoo.com with your telephone number and screen id if you would like to attend this conference call and he will send you the details.
more...
Blog Feeds
12-21 07:10 AM
H1B Visa Lawyer Blog Has Just Posted the Following:
This year a record number of 15 million foreign applicants entered (http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/11/22/national/main7078653.shtml) the green card lottery system which only hands out 50,000 green cards each year.
The lottery program was established by the State Department back in 1990. Participation in the lottery has grown steadily as people in the developing word have gained increasing access to the internet. The month long enrollment period ended on November 3. Many people apply year after year since there is no limit on the number of times you can apply. The only rule is that only 7% of the winning applicants may come from any one country.
More... (http://www.h1bvisalawyerblog.com/2010/12/green_card_lottery_15_million.html)
This year a record number of 15 million foreign applicants entered (http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/11/22/national/main7078653.shtml) the green card lottery system which only hands out 50,000 green cards each year.
The lottery program was established by the State Department back in 1990. Participation in the lottery has grown steadily as people in the developing word have gained increasing access to the internet. The month long enrollment period ended on November 3. Many people apply year after year since there is no limit on the number of times you can apply. The only rule is that only 7% of the winning applicants may come from any one country.
More... (http://www.h1bvisalawyerblog.com/2010/12/green_card_lottery_15_million.html)
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Macaca
10-27 10:14 AM
America has a persuadable center, but neither party appeals to it (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/10/25/AR2007102502774.html) By Jonathan Yardley (yardleyj@washpost.com) | Washington Post, October 28, 2007
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
THE SECOND CIVIL WAR: How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, Penguin. 484 pp. $27.95
These are difficult times for American politics at just about all levels, but especially in presidential politics, which has been poisoned -- the word is scarcely too strong -- by a variety of influences, none more poisonous than what Ronald Brownstein calls "an unrelenting polarization . . . that has divided Washington and the country into hostile, even irreconcilable camps." There is nothing new about this, he quickly acknowledges, and "partisan rivalry most often has been a source of energy, innovation, and inspiration," but what is particularly worrisome now "is that the political system is more polarized than the country. Rather than reducing the level of conflict, Washington increases it. That tendency, not the breadth of the underlying divisions itself, is the defining characteristic of our era and the principal cause of our impasse on so many problems."
Most people who pay reasonably close attention to American politics will not find much to surprise them in The Second Civil War, but Brownstein -- who recently left the Los Angeles Times to become political correspondent for Atlantic Media and who is a familiar figure on television talk shows -- has done a thorough job of amassing all the pertinent material and analyzing it with no apparent political or ideological axe to grind. He isn't an especially graceful prose stylist, and he's given to glib, one-word portraits -- on a single page he gives us "the burly Joseph T. Robinson," "the bullet-headed Sam Rayburn," "the mystical Henry A. Wallace" and "the flinty Harold Ickes" -- but stylistic elegance is a rare quality in political journalism in the best of times, and in these worst of times it can be forgiven. What matters is that Brownstein knows what he's talking about.
He devotes the book's first 175 pages -- more, really, than are necessary -- to laying the groundwork for the present situation. Since the election of 1896, he argues, "the two parties have moved through four distinct phases": the first, from 1896 to 1938, when they pursued "highly partisan strategies," the "period in modern American life most like our own"; the second, from the late New Deal through the assassination of John F. Kennedy, "the longest sustained period of bipartisan negotiation in American history," an "ideal of cooperation across party lines"; the third, from the mid-1960s to the mid-1990s, "a period of transition" in which "the pressures for more partisan confrontation intensified"; and the fourth, "our own period of hyperpartisanship, an era that may be said to have fully arrived when the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted on a virtually party-line vote to impeach Bill Clinton in December 1998."
As is well known, the lately departed (but scarcely forgotten) Karl Rove likes to celebrate the presidency of William McKinley, which serious historians generally dismiss out of hand but in which Rove claims to find strength and mastery. Perhaps, as Brownstein and others have suggested, this is because Rove would like to be placed alongside Mark Hanna, the immensely skilled (and immensely cynical) boss who was the power behind McKinley's throne. But the comparison is, indeed, valid in the sense that the McKinley era was the precursor of the Bush II era, which "harkened back to the intensely partisan strategies of McKinley and his successors." Bush's strategies are now widely regarded as failures, not merely among his enemies but also among his erstwhile allies on Capitol Hill, who grouse about "White House incompetence or arrogance." But Brownstein places these complaints in proper context:
"Yet many conservatives recognized in Bush a kindred soul, not only in ideology, but more importantly in temperament. Because their goals were transformative rather than incremental, conservative activists could not be entirely satisfied with the give and take, the half a loaf deal making, of politics in ordinary times. . . . In Bush they found a leader who shared that conviction and who demonstrated, over and again, that in service of his goals he was willing to sharply divide the Congress and the country."
This, as Brownstein notes, came from the man who pledged to govern as "a uniter, not a divider." Bush's service as governor of Texas had been marked by what one Democrat there called a "collaborative spirit," but "he is not the centrist as president that he was as governor." This cannot be explained solely by the influence of Rove, who appeared to be far more interested in placating the GOP's hard-right "base" than in enacting effective legislation. Other influences probably included a Democratic congressional leadership that grew ever more hostile and ideological, the frenzied climate whipped up by screamers on radio and television, and Bush's own determination not to repeat his father's second-term electoral defeat. But whatever the precise causes, the Bush Administration's "forceful, even belligerent style" assured nothing except deadlock on the Hill, even on issues as important to Bush as immigration and Social Security "reform."
Brownstein's analysis of the American mood is far different from Bush/Rove's. He believes, and I think he's right, that there is "still a persuadable center in American politics -- and that no matter how effectively a party mobilized its base, it could not prevail if those swing voters moved sharply and cohesively against it," viz., the 2006 midterm elections. He also believes, and again I think he's right, that coalition politics is the wisest and most effective way to govern: "The party that seeks to encompass and harmonize the widest range of interests and perspectives is the one most likely to thrive. The overriding lesson for both parties from the Bush attempt to profit from polarization is that there remains no way to achieve lasting political power in a nation as diverse as America without assembling a broad coalition that locks arms to produce meaningful progress against the country's problems." As Lyndon Johnson used to say to those on the other side of the fence, "Come now, let us reason together."
Yet there's not much evidence that many in either party have learned this rather obvious lesson. Several of the (remarkably uninspired) presidential candidates have made oratorical gestures toward the politics of inclusion, but from Hillary Clinton to Rudolph Giuliani they're practicing interest-group politics of exclusion as delineated in the Gospel According to Karl Rove. Things have not been helped a bit by the Democratic leadership on the Hill, which took office early this year with great promises of unity but quickly lapsed into an ineffective mixture of partisan rhetoric and internal bickering. Brownstein writes:
"Our modern system of hyperpartisanship has unnecessarily inflamed our differences and impeded progress against our most pressing challenges. . . . In Washington the political debate too often careens between dysfunctional poles: either polarization, when one party imposes its will over the bitter resistance of the other, or immobilization, when the parties fight to stalemate. . . . Our political system has virtually lost its capacity to formulate the principled compromises indispensable for progress in any diverse society. By any measure, the costs of hyperpartisanship vastly exceed the benefits."
Brownstein has plenty of suggestions for changing things, from "allowing independents to participate in primaries" to "changing the rules for drawing districts in the House of Representatives." Most of these are sensible and a few are first-rate, but they have about as much chance of being adopted as I do of being president. The current rush by the states to be fustest with the mostest in primary season suggests how difficult it would be to achieve reform in that area, and the radical gerrymandering of Texas congressional districts engineered by Tom DeLay makes plain that reform in that one won't be easy, either. Probably what would do more good than anything else would be an attractive, well-organized, articulate presidential candidate willing, in Adlai Stevenson's words, "to talk sense to the American people." Realistically, though, what we can look for is more meanness, divisiveness and cynicism. It's the order of the day, and it's not going away any time soon.
more...
gumnam_guy
07-18 01:33 AM
IV,
I'd like to thank you for the awesome work that you have done in the events that followed July 2nd. As a token of my appreciation, I've donated $200 just now.
Please keep up the good work and hope we could make a difference! My sincere request to other members is to make as many donations as possible.
Gumnam Guy.
I'd like to thank you for the awesome work that you have done in the events that followed July 2nd. As a token of my appreciation, I've donated $200 just now.
Please keep up the good work and hope we could make a difference! My sincere request to other members is to make as many donations as possible.
Gumnam Guy.
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imrads
01-26 04:30 PM
I'm working on L1 & have H1 petition without COS.
Can my H1 employer apply for COS, so that I can change my status from L1 to H1 without visiting India?
Also, I've an offer from a third company... can this company file for Change of Status from L1 to H1 & transfer the H1? I've the H1 petition I129 number, but no paystubs on H1. I've paystubs on L1.
Can I transfer to H1 to this third company? Will I have to get my H1 stamped frmo INdia then join this third company?
If not, is there any other option?
Please reply. Help appreciated.
Can my H1 employer apply for COS, so that I can change my status from L1 to H1 without visiting India?
Also, I've an offer from a third company... can this company file for Change of Status from L1 to H1 & transfer the H1? I've the H1 petition I129 number, but no paystubs on H1. I've paystubs on L1.
Can I transfer to H1 to this third company? Will I have to get my H1 stamped frmo INdia then join this third company?
If not, is there any other option?
Please reply. Help appreciated.
more...
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depressed
08-14 02:44 PM
Hi All,
I was working in one the SWITCH companies before.
They have a standard experience letter which do not include Roles/ Duties n skills mentioned. I'm having a hard time to get the customized letter from them.
Now, my attorney is suggesting me to get it from supervisor/ co-worker.
My ex-manager is ready to give me the letter. He does not work for the same company any more. So, cannot get it on the company letter head.
Can you please suggest in which format should I get the letter from him.
Should it be on his personal letter head ??
Please help me with this as I don't have much time to refile.
Thanks In Advance!
I was working in one the SWITCH companies before.
They have a standard experience letter which do not include Roles/ Duties n skills mentioned. I'm having a hard time to get the customized letter from them.
Now, my attorney is suggesting me to get it from supervisor/ co-worker.
My ex-manager is ready to give me the letter. He does not work for the same company any more. So, cannot get it on the company letter head.
Can you please suggest in which format should I get the letter from him.
Should it be on his personal letter head ??
Please help me with this as I don't have much time to refile.
Thanks In Advance!
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rpgamer2003
08-02 02:30 PM
Hi,
I'm a student from Germany (but very well-versed in English, since I've spent a year in the States just recently) and have had a lot of experience with Photoshop, Firworks, Dreamweaver, Flash und other stuff. I'm looking for some website to design or something like that.
I'm a student from Germany (but very well-versed in English, since I've spent a year in the States just recently) and have had a lot of experience with Photoshop, Firworks, Dreamweaver, Flash und other stuff. I'm looking for some website to design or something like that.
more...
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nanomatrix
08-12 06:54 PM
Hello Friends,
I currently reside in Nebraska. I'm in pending I-485, and its I-797C�s Received Date was in Aug, 20007, Receipt Number: LIN-xx-xxx-xxxxx. My EAD expires on this December 2010, and my AP has expired on December 2008. I re-entered US on Feb, 2010 using H1B Visa and its HIB has expired on May 2010. I�d like renew my EAD and AP. I�ve got all paper ready to file, but I�m confused about Where Service Center/Office I should file to and pay the fees to. I�d appreciate your help.
Thanks,
Joe
I currently reside in Nebraska. I'm in pending I-485, and its I-797C�s Received Date was in Aug, 20007, Receipt Number: LIN-xx-xxx-xxxxx. My EAD expires on this December 2010, and my AP has expired on December 2008. I re-entered US on Feb, 2010 using H1B Visa and its HIB has expired on May 2010. I�d like renew my EAD and AP. I�ve got all paper ready to file, but I�m confused about Where Service Center/Office I should file to and pay the fees to. I�d appreciate your help.
Thanks,
Joe
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rizwan39
09-22 05:49 PM
My company is offering my retention contract for 3 years. As I told them that my GC can take long and I haven't filed for I-485 to use AC-21, I will be in trouble if a loose my job. Based on that they are making a written promose that I will have a same job for the next 3 years with all benifits and the only reason I can loose my job is through a decipline action (bad performance, fight, harrasment, etc).
I want to ask the attorney's and gurus if there is such a contract exist and does it have any value ?
I want to ask the attorney's and gurus if there is such a contract exist and does it have any value ?
more...
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GC_for_All
07-18 10:23 AM
Hi
Your help on the matter is appreciated. I am EB3-I. I filed for I-485 in July-07. I have been working on H1. Now I am going to switch to EAD by AC21. My new job has same job title and job duties. They have another condition for job. I will have to have a Masters in 8 years of starting my job.Their basic requirement is still Bachelors but Masters condition is kind of extra condition. My question is does this give me any trouble for my GC process because of Masters condition.Another question is will I be able to switch to EB2 based on this.
Your help on the matter is appreciated. I am EB3-I. I filed for I-485 in July-07. I have been working on H1. Now I am going to switch to EAD by AC21. My new job has same job title and job duties. They have another condition for job. I will have to have a Masters in 8 years of starting my job.Their basic requirement is still Bachelors but Masters condition is kind of extra condition. My question is does this give me any trouble for my GC process because of Masters condition.Another question is will I be able to switch to EB2 based on this.
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anandrajesh
02-03 04:30 PM
Hi,
Can someone tell me a little bit about visitor visa validity dates. For eg: if my parents got a 3 month visa, is it valid from the date it is issued or from the date of entry into the US?
Thanks
Roshni
It is valid from the date it is issued and they shld enter the US before it expires. However at the port of entry, the consular officer may chose it give it beyond the actual expiry date.
Can someone tell me a little bit about visitor visa validity dates. For eg: if my parents got a 3 month visa, is it valid from the date it is issued or from the date of entry into the US?
Thanks
Roshni
It is valid from the date it is issued and they shld enter the US before it expires. However at the port of entry, the consular officer may chose it give it beyond the actual expiry date.
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priderock
08-06 01:31 AM
and the core. 25K is quite close?
Yeah , 3000 short :)
Yeah , 3000 short :)
samrat_bhargava_vihari
06-14 03:58 PM
Now that the I-485 gates have been opened, I would like to know what will happen to my spouse's H1B application pending before USCIS? Since I am planning on filing for I-485 for my spouse as well, will the H1B process make a difference? Or will the H1B approval cause any issues to the I-485 application?
Please help!
I don't think so. One of my friend is in same situation. I feel 485 is filed after H1b so every thing is fine. But on which boat they need to travel is the question? you can't use H1 if you use EAD?
Please help!
I don't think so. One of my friend is in same situation. I feel 485 is filed after H1b so every thing is fine. But on which boat they need to travel is the question? you can't use H1 if you use EAD?
file485
02-19 02:43 PM
Hello gurus..
I filed for my H4 extn on Jan 16th(Cal Serv Centre)..I dont think so I can get the H4 approval extn by April 1st... other than the option of getting it done in premium processing ... can I file for my H1 in April before my H4 approval comes..?
All in all I will need atleast 5k for my H1 and in case if I have to get my H4extn premium processed..
Please comment
I filed for my H4 extn on Jan 16th(Cal Serv Centre)..I dont think so I can get the H4 approval extn by April 1st... other than the option of getting it done in premium processing ... can I file for my H1 in April before my H4 approval comes..?
All in all I will need atleast 5k for my H1 and in case if I have to get my H4extn premium processed..
Please comment
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